In the days leading up to the dissolution of Shahbaz Sharif’s Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) government on August 9, a significant development took place in the National Assembly that sent shockwaves throughout Pakistan and beyond. At a time when both Pakistani and international human rights organizations were fervently advocating for the reform or abolition of the country’s controversial Blasphemy Laws, the National Assembly passed a bill that not only amended these laws but also intensified their punitive nature.
The revised legislation now stipulates a ten-year prison sentence and a hefty fine of Rs 10 Lakh for anyone accused of committing blasphemy. However, this amendment conspicuously neglects to address the issue of false accusations, which unfortunately underpin a substantial portion of blasphemy cases. Equally glaring is the absence of any provisions dealing with vigilante justice, a disturbing phenomenon responsible for numerous unjust deaths of innocent individuals.
There are compelling reasons to suspect that the National Assembly succumbed to immense pressure when endorsing this amendment. During the bill’s deliberation in the National Assembly, Mohammad Ahmed Ludhianvi, a leader of the Ahl-e-Sunnat Wal Jamaat (ASWJ), an extremist Islamist group, organized a rally in support of the amendment. ASWJ, alongside the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), represents a fringe of fanatical elements within Pakistan’s religious landscape.
In the wake of the National Assembly’s passage of the amendment, anti-Christian riots erupted in Jaranwala, located in Punjab’s Faisalabad, on August 16, barely four days later. Leaders of ASWJ and TLP took to the loudspeakers in mosques, accusing Christians of blasphemy, triggering a series of brutal mob-led attacks on the local Christian community.
A fact-finding mission sponsored by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) documented the wanton destruction: at least 24 churches, several dozen smaller chapels, and numerous houses in Jaranwala were set ablaze and plundered during these violent attacks on the Christian minority. The report also disclosed that Christians, in fear for their lives, abandoned their homes, only to be subjected to further violence by the mob. Another report indicates that 89 houses were razed, affecting 89 families and their tenants. Tragically, similar anti-Christian incidents have unfolded in Lahore’s Christian villages multiple times, leaving the Christian community too terrified to return to their devastated homes.
Shockingly, there is no assistance program in place to help these displaced individuals rebuild or repair their homes, as they lack the financial means to do so. The HRCP has rightfully demanded compensation for these victims.
Invariably, these attacks on Christian villages or colonies in Lahore stem from accusations of blasphemy against one or two residents, typically menial workers who are impoverished and illiterate. It is profoundly ironic that individuals of this socio-economic stratum are accused of tearing pages from the Holy Quran, as if they possessed an understanding of the sacred text’s content.
Equally disconcerting is the response of the law enforcement authorities, tasked with protecting citizens. Inexplicably, they attempted to “negotiate” with the perpetrators, thereby failing to unequivocally support the victims of the attacks. This scenario recalls the harrowing mob violence that engulfed the Joseph Colony in Lahore back in 2013, where the police were ill-equipped to quell the crowd and, shockingly, were compelled to file a case against the victims themselves. A decade on, the only change appears to be the increased severity of punishment, underscoring Pakistan’s concerning trajectory toward extremism.
Regrettably, it appears that there will be no respite for Pakistan’s minority communities. The influence wielded by ASWJ and TLP on the nation’s political stage is so pervasive that extrajudicial death sentences may become commonplace, administered by party loyalists in the streets rather than within the confines of a courtroom.
The hurried and clandestine manner in which this amendment to the Blasphemy Laws was passed, with only 15 lawmakers present, raises questions about its true motivations. Despite warnings from Human Rights Minister Pirzada that the changes were made “to please a specific group” without adhering to parliamentary norms, the bill found its way into law. Senator Mushtaq Ahmad of Jamaat-i-Islami was the bill’s primary proponent, with the Religious Affairs minister chiming in to assert that it did not offend anyone’s sensibilities and should be passed unanimously.
The undeniable link between the rise of religion-based politics and the escalating violence and sectarianism in Pakistan cannot be disregarded. Moreover, if the purported strengthening of the Blasphemy Law over the years were genuinely effective, why are blasphemy cases disproportionately on the rise?
In a country where the average citizen grapples with mounting financial burdens and struggles to pay basic bills, it is inconceivable that a destitute laborer, if convicted of blasphemy, could afford the exorbitant Rs 10 Lakh fine without selling off their property and plunging their entire family into destitution.
One cannot help but ponder whether this amendment to the Blasphemy Laws was enacted under pressure from ASWJ and TLP, potentially serving the interests of the real estate and construction sectors at the expense of justice and human rights.